• Murder on the Supreme Court?

    Murder on the Supreme Court?
    by Eustace Mullins

    America's public schools have been corrupted. A generation of white American children has been destroyed, resulting in an inarticulate, functionally illiterate, mumbling youth who is probably on drugs and who is incapable of caring about what is happening to himself or to his nation. In these blackboard jungles, teachers are warned not to wear any jewelry or to carry any funds except lunch money, and never to go into the hall or to the restroom alone. This chaos was deliberately created by the Supreme Court decision of May 17, 1954 in favor of Brown vs. Board of Education, which ordered Federal forced racial integration of every school in the United States.

    This decision not only has cost the American taxpayer more than one hundred billion dollars in added education costs but the social and economic chaos resulting from this decision has cast the American Republic down from its position of unchallenged world hegemony which it held in 1954, and in which it has been replaced by the Soviet Union. This, as we shall see, was no accident. Since the decision of Brown vs. Board of Education, Americans have been deluged with official exhortations to "obey the rules of law," exhortations which have no reference to the increasing crime rate but are addressed solely to efforts by Americans to preserve their schools. Yet no writer has ever made a study of the legal background of Brown vs. Board of Education, excepting a two-volume study, Simple Justice, by Richard Kluger, and published by Knopf in 1975, which rapturously extols the decision as a "milestone of human progress," and which unintentionally reveals that the legal arguments leading to this decision are so ludicrous that the lawyer for the Board of Education, John W. Davis, dismissed it as "guff."

    It was not the power of the the legal arguments which led to the favorable decision on Brown vs. Board of Education, but a more direct and compelling force—the murder of the Chief Justice, Fred Vinson!

    This decision was a complete reversal of the position of the Supreme Court precedent on segregated schools which had stood for more than fifty years, Plessy vs. Ferguson, 1896, which established the "separate but equal" doctrine of public education. This Plessy vs. Ferguson decision stated:

    "The object of the Fourteenth Amendment was undoubtedly to enforce the absolute equality of the two races before the law, but in the nature of things it could not have been intended to abolish distinctions based upon color, or to enforce social as distinguished from political equality, or a co-mingling of the two races upon terms unsatisfactory to either. Laws permitting, and even requiring, their separation in places where they are liable to be brought into contact do not necessarily imply the inferiority of either race to the other, and have been generally, if not universally, recognized as within the competency of the state legislatures in the exercise of their political power. The most common instance of this is connected with the establishment of separate schools for white and colored children, which has been held to be a valid exercise of the legislative power even by courts of states where the political rights of the colored race have been longest and most earnestly enforced."

    Thus Plessy vs. Ferguson specifically stated that the courts could not enforce social as distinguished from political equality and upheld the legality of segregated schools. Yet Brown vs. Board of Education deliberately over-turned this precedent and committed the Federal Government to enforce by every means of its police powers "social equality" and integrated schools. Very few people in Washington had any idea that such a decision could be reached, especially when the Supreme Court began hearings on Brown vs. Board of Education on Dec. 13, 1952. The Chief Justice, Fred Vinson, was the epitome of the old time Southern politician. Born in a plantation home in Kentucky, Fred Vinson had been one of the key Congressmen who aided Franklin D. Roosevelt in guiding his New Deal measures through Congress. He played a vital role in the subversion which involved the United States in the war to save Soviet Russia and as a reward, Truman had appointed him Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. When Truman telephoned him the glad tidings, Vinson, one of the genuine humorists in Washington, had quipped, "Thank you, Harry, I always wanted the chance to study law." The joke was more than apropos, for the new chief jurist of the nation, a lifelong politician, had never practiced law. He remained a pillar of the Washington political Establishment, and in 1951, Harry Truman had repeatedly urged him to announce his candidacy to succeed Truman as President. However, Vinson was very comfortable in his job, as the Supreme Court at that time had a leisurely procession of cases, and he looked forward to another twenty years of his placid life. Certainly he had no idea that his stance on Brown vs. Board of Education would lead to his murder.

    When the Supreme Court opened its hearings on Brown vs. Board of Education in 1952, no one expected any surprises. It was merely another in a series of cases which the NAACP had been bringing to the Court in its unrelenting but futile efforts to destroy "segregated" schools, that is, schools which, unlike the integrated schools of New York City where education had come to a halt because of racial turmoil, actually educated children. However, the Justices were surprised by the massive force of this effort. More than two hundred people had been hired by the NAACP, at a cost of ten thousand dollars a day, to prepare material for this case, which presented the demand of a Topeka child, Brown, to attend a white school in that city. To this day, no one has ever inquired where the NAACP obtained the vast sums of money it expended in this fight, but a number of organizations which presented briefs in support of the NAACP probably advanced the money, all of it tax-exempt funds. These organizations included the Anti-Defamation League, the American Jewish Congress, the CIO Political Action Committee, the American Jewish Committee, Amvets, the American Civil Liberties Union and other groups which have spent millions of dollars to promote Communist subversion in America. The most reliable estimate is that the NAACP spent ten million dollars on Brown vs. Board of Education, yet its entire presentation was false because it came before the Supreme Court under the name of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, when in fact, it was not a Negro organization at all, but a Jewish dominated and sponsored group whose president was a Jew, Joel Spingarn, and whose entire budget was donated by Jews! The lawyer for the NAACP, a Negro named Thurgood Marshall, was actually a front for the legal brain of the NAACP, the Jew Jack Greenberg.

    In Brown vs. Board of Education, the Supreme Court was swamped by masses of verbose and largely irrelevant material presented by the NAACP staff of two hundred lawyers and researchers. This case, which had been thought to reserve about two weeks of the Court's time, dragged on for several months, until it was apparent it could not be completed during the current 1952-53 term. It was obvious that the NAACP was desperately stalling for time, but the purpose of the stall was not then known. We now know the delays were intended solely to allow for the elimination of Supreme Court Justice Fred Vinson from the case.

    The lawyer for the Board of Education was none other than the most distinguished lawyer in America, John W. Davis, former Presidential candidate, and senior partner of Davis, Polk and Wardell of New York, the most important single corporate law firm in the United States. Davis, like Vinson, was a dignified, white-haired Southern gentlemen, born in West Virginia, who earned one million dollars a year from his law practice. There was no question that there was considerable personal rapport between himself and the Chief Justice, as contrasted to the ratty and furtive machinations of the lawyers for the NAACP. However, Davis was confident of winning the case on its merits. His vast knowledge of Constitutional law convinced him, as the hearings progressed, that the NAACP had no evidence which would influence the Court in its favor. After a preliminary examination of this material, Davis wrote to his associate in the case, Robert Figg, "I have never read a drearier lot of testimony than that furnished by the so-called educational and psychological experts."

    On Sept. 29, 1952, Davis had written to Figg: "I have read the brief and appendix submitted by your opponents and there seems to be nothing in them which requires special comment. I think it is perfectly clear from interior evidence that the witness Clark drafted the appendix which is signed by the worthy social scientists. I can only say that if that sort of guff can move any court 'God save the state!"

    The testimony presented by the NAACP ranged from the trivial to the ludicrous. The principal witnese was a "psychologist" named Kenneth Clark. His teacher at Columbia University had been Dr. Henry Garrett, the most famous psychologist in America. Garrett stated that Clark had been none too bright as a student but would rank "pretty high for a Negro." Now Clark told the Supreme Court about his famous doll tests. He had been showing both black and white dolls to some Negro children, and they picked the white dolls in preference to the black. When he asked them why, they said the white dolls were superior. From these "tests," Clark deduced that the Negro children were suffering an inferiority complex because they could not go to school with white children! Incredibly enough, this nonsense comprised the bulk of the testimony on which the case was finally decided! However, at the time, little comment was made on it, because the justices were following the lead of Chief Justice Fred Vinson, who was obviously unmoved by such frippery. The Court had a number of oblique methods of making its forthcoming position known on cases under discussion, such as notes to other justices. Justice Jackson later stated that the Chief Justice had made a note, in 1953, during the hearings of Brown vs. Board of Education, "Face complete abolition of public school system in South ... serious." Vinson referred to the probability that if a favorable ruling on Brown was issued by the Court the Southern states would probably close their schools rather than integrate under Federal control. Justice Reed told one of his 1953 term clerks, John D. Fassett, that he expected Vinson to vote to uphold segregation. In the Solicitor General's office, a radical civil rights attorney, Philip Elman, stated that he heard that the Chief Justice did not favor overruling Plessy vs. Ferguson. At the conclusion of the 1952-53 term, there was a general understanding among those in the know in Washington that after brief hearings at the beginning of the 1953-54 term to accommodate the masses of junk filed by the NAACP and its sewer associates, the ADL, etc. Vinson would issue his ruling against Brown vs. Board of Education. John W. Davis, who had spent a lifetime in courtrooms and whose profession involved anticipating judicial rulings, stated that he expected a 6-3 favorable ruling. Although he did not say so, he obviously knew that the three most radical justices, Frankfurter, Douglas and Black, would favor Brown and that the other five would follow Vinson's lead. Davis gave this summation to Justice Moore, later president of Vepco Power Co. in Virginia.

    Vinson further showed his position when he refused to allow the National Lawyers' Guild, a notorious Communist front, to file a brief with the Court in favor of Brown. Meanwhile, the radical lawyers in the Department of Justice had worked for weeks on a fire-eating statement in favor of Brown and the NAACP which they persuaded Attorney General McGranery bring before the Supreme Court. The Clerk of the Court, Harold B. Wiley, sent McGranery packing, ordering him out by saying, "The Chief Justice does not want any political speeches by you in this Court."

    On June 8, 1953, all five of the segregation cases before the Court were restored to the docket for October 12, 1953 re-argument. It was commonly believed this would be a brief formality and that a decision would be reached. However, at 3:15 a.m. on September 8, 1953, Chief Justice Fred Vinson died of a "heart attack" at his Washington hotel. Only sixty-three years old, and in vigorous health, Vinson had had no previous health problems. A robust man who enjoyed life, he gave no indications of heart problems. The news was extremely shocking to everyone who knew him, at the time, no foul play was suspected, even though it was known that there were eighteen poisons currently being used by intelligence agencies which would cause a perfect medical case of "heart attack." Despite the fact that he died only a few days before the Court was to resume hearings on Brown vs. Board of Education, there was no conjecture in Washington that this would seriously affect the anticipated ruling of the Court against Brown. It was expected that President Eisenhower would name a conservative jurist to the Court, and that John W. Davis' forecast of the 6-3 ruling would hold.

    Some might have suspected otherwise when Felix Frankfurter gleefully chortled, on hearing of his colleague's death, "This is the first indication I have ever had that there is a God!" This joyful exclamation should have been a tipoff that Vinson's death would indeed change the expected ruling on Brown, because Frankfurter made this statement to his law clerk in reference to the forthcoming hearings on this case.

    Despite his august position as a Justice of the Supreme Court, Frankfurter had the shadiest background of anyone ever appointed to the Court. A Viennese Jew, he entered the United States by unknown means and immediately involved himself in terrorist underground activities, using Harvard University as his base of operations. President Theodore Roosevelt denounced him as "the most dangerous radical in America." No one has ever disproved this statement. Having obtained a position as Professor at Harvard Law School, Frankfurter unleashed a horde of Alger Hisses upon an unsuspecting America. When Franklin Delano Roosevelt became President as a result of a violent anti-Hoover campaign by the Communist Party, Frankfurter was one of the first to be summoned to Washington to form what was to be a government of revolutionaries. Frankfurter was able to insinuate his protégés from Harvard Law School into policy-making positions in every government department. Many of them are still there today, a succession of Presidents having been unable or unwilling to replace them. It was finally revealed after his death that Frankfurter had been the secret mastermind of the Harold Ware cell of Communists which has in effect ruled the United States since 1933. His sordid background was further revealed when Westbrook Pegler finally printed a story which had been common knowledge at the National Press Club for years, that while Frankfurter was serving on the Supreme Court, his brother Otto was serving a long sentence at Anamosa State Prison in Iowa. I was told this by the president of the National Press Club in 1950, who being from Anamosa, had found out the story while on a vacation visit to his home town, yet it was two years before Pegler printed this story.

    The other justice in favor of Brown, William Douglas, was already showing signs of mental strain due to his passion for young girls, which finally brought him to a wheelchair. Congressman Gerald Ford, in the only positive action he undertook during many years in Congress, finally moved for Douglas' impeachment as morally unfit, not only because of his pursuit of young girls, but because of his deep financial involvement with a Mafia holding company, Parvin-Dohrmann Co. Despite the open and shut nature of the case, Gerald Ford, with his usual bumbling incompetence, did little with the case, which had been bottled up by one of the most corrupt men on Capitol Hill, Congressman Manny Cellar of the House Judiciary Committee. Cellar was a New York Jew who became a Multi-millionaire by representing corporations and voting on legislation which benefited them, yet he was never arrested. The Douglas impeachment bill was finally shelved, and Ford returned to his usual do-nothing status until the Watergate imbroglio brought him to the White House.

    While Washington waited to see which conservative jurist President Eisenhower would name to dispose of Brown vs. Board of Education, Eisenhower made a selection which proved Robert Welch's assertion that Eisenhower was under Communist Party discipline. He chose Earl Warren of California, and he chose him solely on the basis that Warren would vote in favor of Brown. Warren owed his political eminence to one of the most brutal episodes in American history. While serving as Attorney General of California, Warren seized upon Pearl Harbor as an excuse to place Japanese-Americans in concentration camps for the duration of the war, and to seize all of their property. Warren had no judicial experience whatsoever but did study law at the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York under the infamous Rabbi Finkelstein.

    In Feb. 1942, Warren addressed a conference of District Attorneys as follows: "It is strange that there have as yet been no reports of sabotage in California, but this means they are waiting to strike everywhere at once!" He rushed to Washington to testify before a special House Committee that the Japanese-Americans, two-thirds of whom held American citizenship, were poised to launch a nationwide campaign of sabotage and terrorism. The Congressmen immediately supported the measures to intern the Japanese-Americans. To this day there has never been a recorded instance of Japanese sabotage in the United States during World War Two!

    Warren was well aware that there was no danger of Japanese sabotage. He was also aware, as California Attorney General, of the extent of the holdings of Japanese-Americans in California. Miles of Imperial Valley ranchland, downtown buildings and businesses had been built up by the thrifty, hard-working Japanese. With the Japanese imprisoned in concentration camps, Warren seized all of their properties and awarded them to his henchmen. Some of them bought thousand-acre farms for a hundred dollars; others simply wrote themselves deeds to the now vacant properties. They became known as the Committee of One Hundred, because one hundred of them became multi-millionaires as the result of Warren's takeover. Today they are the wealthiest families in California, as the seized properties, which even in 1942 were worth millions, are now worth in the tens of millions. A few of the Japanese, after lengthy court battles, thirty years later, have won awards of five or six thousand dollars for their stolen property!

    With the unlimited financial backing of his Committee of One Hundred, Warren swamped all opponents to become Governor of California. He then launched a Presidential campaign, but despite the millions at his disposal, he could not overcome the national distaste at his unsavory role as the persecutor of the Japanese. He went to the Chicago convention in 1952 with a solid bloc of California delegates, ostensibly supporting Taft, but at the crucial moment, he switched to Eisenhower. Now the debt was to be paid by his selection as Chief Justice, a nomination at which even Eisenhower blanched.

    On Oct. 5, 1953, Eisenhower announced he had chosen Earl Warren as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. It was immediately noted that Warren was most deferential to Felix Frankfurter on the Court, and Washington observers surmised that Warren, new to Washington, had placed himself in Frankfurter's hands. Arguments on Brown vs. Board of Education were resumed, but as months dragged on, the case seemed to be in limbo. Washington journalists no longer speculated on it, expecting that some afternoon, a brief announcement would be made that the case had been ruled out. May 17, 1954, seemed to be an uneventful day at the Supreme Court. Opinions were read on several cases of no great public interest, but at 12:52 p.m., observers were stunned when Chief Justice Warren began reading the opinion, Oliver Brown, et al., vs. Board of Education of Topeka. After noting that all of the evidence presented by the NAACP was "inconclusive," Warren then stated, IN A UNANIMOUS DECISION OF THE COURT—"We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of 'separate but equal' has no place. Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom the actions have been brought are, by reason of the segregation complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment."

    Warren further stated, "In view of our decision that the Constitution prohibits the states from maintaining racially segregated public schools, it would be unthinkable that the same Constitution would impose a lesser duty on the Federal Government."

    These words committed the Federal Government to use all of its police powers to force integrated public schools on a nation-wide basis. A hundred billion dollars later, public education has come to a virtual standstill, thousands of white children have been maimed or killed, and the public schools have become dope distribution centers where muggings and rapes are daily occurrences. It was to forestall this horrible event that this writer wrote for Women's Voice an article in 1955, "Close the Public Schools!" This article is even more valid today than when it was written thirty years ago. The public schools force involuntary servitude and public bondage upon children, removing them from the protection of their homes and parents and placing them in situations in which battle-hardened Marines would be hard-put to defend themselves. To state that it is necessary to "improve" the children by "educating" them in these brutal conditions is to mock the meaning of the word. Thousands of white parents have seen their children become hopeless dope addicts while attending public schools, their only out, an inevitable suicide. This is the tangible result of Earl Warren's decision on Brown vs. Board of Education. But how did he arrive at this decision? And how was it that the decision, previously seen by John W. Davis, the most accomplished lawyer in America, as 6-3 against Brown, had suddenly become UNANIMOUS in favor of Brown, on evidence which Warren admitted was "inconclusive"? The answer lay in the justices' knowledge that Fred Vinson had died because of his opposition to Brown, and that tremendous pressure would now be brought against anyone who did not go along with the new Warren-Frankfurter Court. Thus it was in fear of their lives that the other justices, who had previously supported Vinson, now voted unanimously with Frankfurter. Did they know that Frankfurter was the secret mastermind of the Harold Ware cell of Communists? Probably not. But how could they accept the contention of the NAACP that certain Negro children, not identified, had suffered "psychological damage" because they had not attended white schools? Kenneth Clark could easily have interviewed Negro children who attended integrated schools in Northern cities in order to ascertain if they had psychological differences from Negro children who had attended segregated schools, but he never did this.

    For several years, there has been a growing suspicion in Washington that Fred Vinson's too-timely "heart attack" had in fact been a case of murder. For one thing, his family reported that nowhere in his court papers could they find a single reference to Brown vs. Board of Education, yet he had spent months listening to arguments on this case and must have made voluminous notes towards an opinion. TO THIS DAY, NOT A SINGLE NOTE HAS BEEN FOUND.

    Because the evidence presented had no basis in fact, apologists for the Supreme Court later claimed that the justices had relied heavily on a massive "scholarly" study of racial problems in America by a radical Swedish sociologist, Gunnar Myrdal. This book, An American Dilemma, had been subsidized by the Rockefellers and given wide distribution in their pro-Communist schools of sociology. In fact, it was later learned that not a single justice had ever read An American Dilemma! This lie had been disseminated to the press to give the incredible decision a hint of "intellectual" background.

    Who actually murdered Fred Vinson? That is something that will probably never be known for sure. But there can be little doubt that the same mostly Jewish forces that backed the NAACP case were involved in the planning. And since Vinson's "heart attack" in 1953, not a single Federal judge has dared issue a decision against forced integration of the schools.

    The only way to eventually reverse Brown vs. Board of Education is for Christians to retake America from the Jews.

    From: The CDL Report, Issue 75 (July 1985).